Dec 10, 2016

Ban on Niqabs in Germany

As a Muslim Woman, I Support Angela Merkel’s Ban on Niqabs in Germany - QANTA AHMED

Accepting her party’s nomination for what would be her fourth four-year term as Germany’s chancellor, Angela Merkel announced that Germany must ban the niqab (full face veil) “wherever legally possible.” Smacking of political expediency, the timing of this announcement underlines her need to draw hard-right nationalists critical of her Syrian refugee policy away from the populist and far-right political parties gaining strength in Germany.
Yet Chancellor Merkel’s ban is one I support as an observant Muslim woman. In 2011, I argued that then-President Nicolas Sarkozy’s legislating of France’s burka ban was a brave step. Merkel’s announcement, while politically opportunistic, is to be commended.
Any ban on wearing the niqab in public is one that defends secular society. In Germany today, secularism and the perceived integrity of the nation are strained with the influx of 1.2 million Syrian refugees, the rise in Islamist terrorism, and the looming threat from the so-called Islamic State. Germany is a fragile state within a fragile post-Brexit Europe. In this climate, niqabs become a direct challenge to national cohesion, connote a neo-orthodox expression of Islam, and are often associated with Islamist ideologies: ISIS, al Qaeda, the Taliban, and others.
Predictably, liberals, others, and The Council on American Islamic Relations, a prominent American Muslim advocacy group, have already launched a backlash claiming this burka ban violates the rights of Muslim women like me—a uniquely Islamist, and not Islamic, claim. Being de facto political totalitarianism, Islamism, also known as “radical Islam” or “political Islam,” centers on absolute domination of the individual, forcibly imposing a perversion of Islam through the concept of Islamic statehood.
While some Muslim women may not be in a position to choose within the confines of their family, in secular societies where women are free to choose their dress, rote ritualism and de novo rituals including the wearing of the niqab indicate neo-orthodoxy. Women who choose to adopt the niqab in secular society may do so in solidarity with today’s militancy du jour: Islamism. Wherever neo-orthodoxy flourishes, Islamism, not Islam, thrives near by.
Literal, inflexible interpretations of the veil are a hallmark of Islamism. Because so many Muslims are ignorant of the true dictates of Islam, and so many live under Islamist governments (Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, among others), rituals founded on cultural mores, rather than Islamic ideals, are co-opted as “Islamic.” These rituals then work to reinforce misogyny in some societies: the infantilization of women in Saudi Arabia as legal minors, their immobilization both within their society and internationally (banned from travel without the permission of designated male guardianship), and a strict gender segregation of the public space, all penalize women.
Problematically, these cultural mores come to pass as manifestations of Islam, when they are clearly counter in every way to the egalitarian spirit that Islam holds for both genders. Denying that these traditions are steeped in misogyny deprives Islam of its true identity. Certainly, living in these societies under such confines as I have in Saudi Arabia, women who must enter the public space do veil themselves, because they must. In this way, the legally mandated veil, whether hijab or niqab, also liberates: Women can leave the home if they are veiled to earn, to study, to work.
Merkel’s ban, therefore, like Sarkozy’s previously, does not confine religious freedom but instead rejects cultural traditions that truly repress women—whether in our mobility, or freedom to choose our dress, and our literal visibility and interaction as members of society.
Many Muslim women in Muslim-majority countries agree that face veiling is not required, according to a fascinating survey by the University of Michigan examining Muslim attitudes to female dress. Even among Muslim women, the face veil is not widely supported. Yet reaction to a burka ban can be guaranteed to reveal the enormous ignorance surrounding Islam, an ignorance of which both Muslims and non-Muslims are guilty.
Certainly, legislating dress, and thereby self-expression, smacks of draconian states like Iran and Saudi Arabia (where I lived from November 1999 to November 2001 and was forcibly veiled by law). How could secular democratic societies permit legislation of dress, you may ask? The answer: Dress can, and indeed must be, legislated when societal integrity is threatened and the resulting polarization fuels the development of parallel societies within nationhood. It is exactly within such fragmentation that Islamism takes root as a form of rebellion and rejection of the host society.
Germany is an intensely secular society, which not only tolerates, but celebrates diversity, though recently it has become more jaded where multiculturalism is concerned. Six years ago, in a rising anti-immigration climate, Chancellor Merkel declared multiculturalism as dead, giving way to renewed German nationhood and national identity.
Yet anti-immigration sentiment, however repellant, may have some basis in reason. In many European countries, secular pluralistic democracies have been exploited by insular, Islamist neo-orthodoxy. Following the ghettoization of some Muslims in Britain, Britain has struggled with homegrown Islamist terrorism. In France, where ghettoization and marginalization of Muslims is much more marked, lethal outcomes have been borne from such ghettoization, most recently in the Charlie Hebdo massacres and the Bataclan attacks.
Certainly, the opportunist exploitation of tolerant democracies by Islamism comes at the expense of the pluralistic Muslim, who is imperiled both by the actions of Islamist terrorists and subject to retaliatory xenophobia often triggered by Islamist attacks. Criminalizing wearing the niqab in all public places, sparked cries of Islamophobia in Sarkozy’s France and is likely to do the same in German, even as legislation to follow suit in many European countries—such as Belgium and France, as well as regions in Spain (Barcelona) and Italy (Lombardy)—is already either enacted into law or being proposed as legislation.
But here in Europe, Muslims, and German Muslims in particular, have a role to play in explaining the true meaning and nature of veiling in Islam.
From Islam’s origins, the word khimar, “veil,” did not necessarily connote face covering. In the Quran, Sura 24:31, referring to the “khimar” reminds Muslim women of the need to “draw… [it] over their bosoms” as integral to female modesty. Similarly, the verse of the veil commanded only the prophet Muhammad’s wives, as a mark of high distinction, to speak from behind a “hijab,” meaning a curtain (Quran Sura 33:53).
Traditions asserting “khimar” specifically meant “niqab” may have been exaggerated. Records show Aisha—one of the prophet’s wives and among the foremost teachers of early Muslims—provided great detail on the khimars in her day, yet no record exists as to how exactly they were worn.
Make no mistake, secular liberal democracies can overstep the mark. This summer, shortly after the Bastille Day attacks in Nice, France lost its bearings, criminalized the burkini and forcibly stripped a Muslim woman on the beach in a shocking assault. The event rightly triggered international outrage and despite strong local support, France’s highest courts ruled the actions to be a breach of democratic values, reversing the legislation. Hearteningly, despite being in a state of emergency ongoing since Charlie Hebdo, France found a way to reason with itself and preserve its vital democracy.
Germany must walk a similar tightrope, between asserting national identity and championing secularism while resisting temptations to demonize all Muslims. To walk this fine line, Chancellor Merkel will need the support of the German Muslim intelligentsia as well as the established German Muslim clergy. Merkel truly has an opportunity to strengthen Germany’s civil Islam and thereby Europe’s. Both communities have the chance to empower and embrace Germany’s Muslims who are as European and as German as they are Muslim; Muslims, who like me, observe Islam as they repudiate Islamism; and Muslims who value the shared nationhood secular liberal democracy affords them, a national identity within which pluralistic Islam can truly thrive.
Certainly in the short term, Merkel’s proposal will trigger intensely inflammatory reactions but as Germany and Chancellor Merkel tangle with the veil, public discourse surrounding Islam may in fact deepen and yield opportunities for European Muslims to save not only the veil, but Islam, from the Islamists.

Nov 21, 2016

The Roots of Islamic Radicalisation in Kerala

The Roots of Islamic Radicalisation in Kerala

By Tufail Ahmad for New Age Islam

For an outsider, one way to recognise that you have left Tamil Nadu and entered Kerala is when cut-outs of J. Jayalalitha give way to street posters with signs of the hammer and sickle. But nowadays, it is a concern for increasing jihadism in the God's Own Country, not the hammer and sickle of the communists that attracts newspaper headlines. On September 13, it emerged that Rifaila, who along with her husband Ijaz and son was part of the nearly two dozen Keralites who left for the Islamic State (ISIS) last July, has given birth to a baby girl. The message was communicated to her mother-in-law at a village in Kasargod district of Kerala. Ideas could move you across geographies. The baby girl would have been born in Kasargod, but it is power of jihadi ideas in this case that weeks before her birth, she landed in Syria.

On the same day, September 13, it emerged that a UK-based couple inspired some of those Keralite Muslims who migrated for Syria and Afghanistan. This information emerged from the questioning of Yasmin Ahmad, the second wife of Abdul Rashid, who worked at the Peace International School at Malappuram, run by radical televangelist Zakir Naik's NGO, Islamic Research Foundation. Rashid, along with his first wife and child, is believed to have joined the ISIS in Afghanistan. Yasmin Ahmad, along with her child, was stopped by intelligence officials at the Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi as she was headed to Kabul to join Rashid.

Jihadism, much like fascism and Nazism, never originates from the masses. In all cases, Muslim youths are radicalised by the educated class of Muslims such as Islamic clerics, Islamist editors, mosque leaders and televangelists like Zakir Naik and Br. Imran of Hyderabad. The youths who left for the ISIS, a dozen of them from Padane village near Kasargod, included a dentist, two engineers, a doctor, two pregnant women, teachers, a BTech graduate, a commerce graduate and others. The issue attracted national attention and has forced the Keralites to think of who they are and where their state is headed to in coming decades. The Muslim communities of Kerala are alive to these new developments and worried, but also in denial.

The Reach of Salafi Globalism

On September 12, Ismail Kangarappady led the annual Eid Al-Azha prayers at Marine Drive in Kochi. Addressing the worshippers, he blamed some of the familiar villains like "imperialists, Zionists and fascists" of creating the Islamic State to malign Islam. Kangarappady stated, "One cannot even regard the ISIS as an Islamic terrorist outfit. The ideals they propagate have nothing to do with real Islam." At another Eid Al-Azha prayer in Kozhikode, Sharif Melethil, the imam, told the worshippers, "seeking a mysterious paradise is not jihad." In Islam, there are two spiritual quests for the paradise: one motivates a faithful to live for the life after death, while the other leads Muslims to migrate from non-Muslim lands to countries ruled by Islamic leaders, or Dar-ul-Islam.

For example, during the Hijrat Movement, which was an offshoot of the Khilafat Movement in the 1920s, Indian Islamic scholars like Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, Maulana Abdul Bari, Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Abdul Majeed Sindhi issued a fatwa (Islamic decree) declaring that migration from Dar-ul-Harb (House of War) to Dar-ul-Islam (House of Peace) was desirable. As a result, a number of Indian Muslims migrated to Afghanistan, which ultimately became a disaster as the Muslim rulers there did not accept them. For similar reasons, a section of Muslims from Kerala has been going to Yemen in recent years, and to Sri Lanka where those having trained in Yemen have established camps, for learning and living a life of piety.

"I don't believe the missing youths from Kerala went to join the Islamic State," says Mujib Rahman, a teacher based in Kozhikode. In July when this interview was conducted with him, it was not fully clear where the missing youths might have gone. Rahman said that they could have gone to Yemen, not to fight alongside ISIS in Syria. Rahman is a former president of the Ithihadu Shubbanil Mujahideen, the student wing of Kerala Nadvathul Mujahideen (KNM), a Salafi organisation which describes itself as an Islahi (reformist) group with roots in Egyptian and Saudi religious movements of the late-19th and 20th centuries. KNM emerged from the works of Vakkom Abdul Khader Moulavi who brought Islamic literature from Egypt around the 1900s.

Although Mujib Rahman insists that the KNM is a reformist movement, one must keep in mind that almost all Islamic groups such as the Tablighi Jamaat, Jamaat-e-Islami, the ISIS, the Taliban and Al-Qaeda describe themselves as reformist, purer than other groups and sects in Islam. The KNM itself has split and reunited many times after Kerala Muslims in its ranks got education at universities in Saudi Arabia and returned to propagate a slightly different doctrinal version of Islam than that was traditionally preached by the KNM. Doctrinal questions posed by them could not be answered satisfactorily by local clerics who were unprepared.

The so-called moderate faction of KNM remained focused on Kerala Muslims, but the Saudi-educated returnees preached what can be described as Islamic globalism. So, while KNM allowed women into mosques and introduced Khutba (Friday sermons) in Malayalam and for such acts it considers itself reformist, the Saudi-returned radicalised factions have their Khutba in Arabic.

Challenges to Co-Existence in Kerala

Krishnendhu R. Nath is a non-resident Indian based in Malaysia. On June 14, the eighth day of the fasting month of Ramzan, she was travelling through the Muslim-dominated Malappuram district. She felt sick and needed some lime soda. Her husband's friend checked in most of the shops by the highway but was told: since it is a fasting month, such things could not be sold. Startled by the reply, she herself went out to a shop and confronted a shopkeeper, "What is the problem with selling Nimbu Pani during fasting season? What will travellers like us who have no fasting do?'' As per her Facebook post, the answer she got was: "It is not that we don't like to. But our shops will be destroyed if we do that." She went into another shop where she got a similar reply upon which she exclaimed in anger, "Is this Saudi Arabia!"

Co-existence has for long been the founding principle of Indian civilisation. It is understandable that Muslims close their restaurants in Malappuram and other Muslim-dominated regions of India in daytime during Ramzan, but it is worrying that now it is impossible for Hindus and Christians to open their restaurants in Malappuram during the fasting month, or sell eatables in shops not owned by Muslims. Unable to protest, local Hindus have willingly accepted their position as Dhimmis, second-class citizens. "The Hindu community in Malappuram is now far subdued, far outnumbered by Muslims," says Vivek Vibha, an architect based in Kochi. He reminds that a few years ago there were arson attacks on some temples in Malappuram allegedly by an insane person "but the same insane person couldn't burn a mosque."

These incidents are not isolated, but part of a continuing movement of ideas that challenges the co-existence of Kerala's society. Ansiba Hassan, the Muslim actress from Kerala, faced abuse from Islamist trolls after she posed for a photograph with Buddhist monks. She was forced to remove the photograph from her Facebook page. Leading actress Nazriya Nazim was targeted for hurting religious sentiments because she did not wear Hijab (Islamic veil) in real life. Actor Asif Ali was abused for posting a photo from the Lords cricket stadium with the words "The Mecca of Cricket – Lords." For the Islamists of Kerala, it is unacceptable to compare the Lords with Mecca, even for the purely secular reason of sports. Journalists based in Kerala point out similar incidents.

Prof. Kausik Gangopadhyay, who teaches at the Indian Institute of Management in Kozhikode, notes a suddenness to the new religiosity of Muslims in Kerala. "When I moved to Kozhikode in June 2009, this was more an open city. No shops will close in Ramzan, except for about half-an-hour at Iftar (evening breakfast)," he says. "Now even the spelling of Ramzan has changed to Ramadan, the Arabic version. Saudi Arabia has more influence here. It's a new influence." Vivek Vibha adds, "The new rise in Islamism in Kerala is due to the money from the Middle East." Islam can be defined as a religion, as a politics, as an ideology and as a movement of ideas – all rolled into one. Islamism is Islam's methodology. Jihadism is the armed version of Islamism.

There is unanimity among analysts of Kerala, on both the Left and the Right, that it is money coming from the Middle East that is behind the growing religiosity and radicalisation among Muslims. Anshad Ilyas, a journalist with Asianet Television News in Thiruvananthapuram, rejects any likelihood of Hindu-Muslim conflicts, but says: "The money from the Gulf is adversely affecting Hindu-Muslim relations. It is a dangerous problem in Malapuuram." M.G.S. Narayanan, a renowned historian, reflects on the issue: "Intolerance and fanaticism subsided in Christianity but in the case of Islam, there were sudden riches in the Gulf nations. The Sheikhs there crushed the reform movements in Islam. The ISIS is an offshoot of the richness." He adds, "This money comes to Kerala. Elected governments knew but ignored and neglected. This neglect has become the cause of the migration of youths from Kerala to the Islamic State."

Sajad Ibrahim, an associate professor of political science at the University of Kerala in Thiruvananthapuram, cautions, "Don't be under the impression that only Muslims are bringing money from the Gulf countries. Christians from Kerala are working as professionals in the Gulf and get lots of money, followed by Hindus, but Muslims working there are in large numbers." However, Ibrahim notes that charitable and black money is entering Kerala in a major way, and mosques and churches are receiving lots of it. "All NGOs of Muslims in northern Kerala are rich and powerful. Charitable organisations have links with political parties and exercise influence and power over them," he says, adding that the situation in Kerala is unpredictable as the Popular Front of India (PFI) has been taking over control of mosques and some Muslims under its umbrella are involved in crimes, causing disharmony in Hindu-Muslim relations over the past decade.

Is Kerala's Islam Peaceful?

Religions, when coupled with rising demographics, can threaten established orders. On July 8, a Friday, at Nadakkar in the heart of Kozhikode, Muslim worshippers parked their bikes right in the middle of the road in front of the police station situated opposite the mosque. Police officials fined all the vehicles for traffic violations. Soon after the Friday prayers, all Muslims went to the police station and forced the cops to remove the fine stickers from their vehicles. Like all parts of India, Kerala too has been known for religious harmony. For example, before visiting the Sabarimala temple, all Hindu devotees go to the Vavar mosque at Erumeli. The mosque gives prasadam, ash which the devotees put on their forehead and the mosque gets donations. Vavar, a Muslim warrior, is considered a friend of Lord Ayyappan, the deity of Sabarimala temple.

The received wisdom in journalistic writings is that Islam in Kerala is peaceful because, in contrast to the historical experience of northern India where it arrived accompanied by Muslim invaders, it landed in Kerala through peaceful ways, namely by the sea trade route during the era of Prophet Muhammad. But more than anywhere else, it is Kerala which demonstrates the original model of Islam characterised by a distinction between the Meccan and Medina periods, the former being peaceful and the latter being conflicted. During the Mecca period, Muslims were in minority and preached peacefully. But during the Medina period when Muslims established their own rule, the prophet led raids on the non-Muslim traders going to Syria and fought wars against non-Muslims.

In Kerala, Muslims were not the first to arrive from West Asia. Long before Islam, Arab traders were arriving by ships from West Asia, assisted by the monsoon's hospitable flow. Of them, Jews and Christians were naturally the first, followed by Muslims. Over the subsequent centuries, the Jewish population did not rise, but Christians and Muslims grew in population and influence. However, the first conflicts involving Islam began in Kerala after the arrival of the Portuguese led by Vasco da Gama in 1498 CE, whose team brought Islam-versus-Christianity idea from Europe. For reasons of trade and Hinduism's co-existence, the Hindus had supported Muslims until then and during conflicts with Europeans. The Hindu king Zamorin was hospitable to Muslims traders and ordered Hindu fishermen's children who were born on Fridays to convert to Islam.

G.K. Suresh Babu, the Thiruvananthapuram-based executive editor of Amrita Television, points out that the attacks on Malabar in 1771 by Hyder Ali and in 1789 by his son Tipu Sultan were turning points in radicalisation of Kerala's Muslims. The Medina period in the life of Kerala Islam begins mainly after their invasions. Suresh Babu says Hyder Ali was invited after Muslims ran into a conflict to build a dome on a mosque, a practice allowed at the time only for three Hindu temples. Historian M.G.S. Narayanan adds, "Hyder Ali plundered Hindu temples because there was gold there. So, this became the beginning of the divide between Hindus and Muslims. And Tipu Sultan's attacks later worsened this divide, as he gave lands seized from Hindus to new converts from lower castes to Islam."

Tipu Sultan was harsher as he forced Hindus to eat beef and converted them to Islam. Much like in northern India, in Kerala too it seems that a version of Political Islam arrived in the company of Muslim conquerors like the father-son duo. The causes of their invasions could be varied as wars necessarily have multiple causes, but Hyder and Tipu introduced what can be described as the Medina period in the life of Kerala's Islam. Before them, arguably the Islam in Kerala reflected the Meccan period, or the era of peaceful Islam. Today, the cases of radicalisation are reported from the areas through which their armies marched. Kerala has witnessed Hindu-Muslim conflicts of differing scale from around the second half of the 19th century as well as in the 20th century.

The Rise of Overt Religiosity

The 1921 Malabar Rebellion – against the British and Hindus by Muslims – appears as the biggest conflict on the timeline of Hindu-Muslim issue in Kerala. Marxist historians have presented it as an agrarian conflict but that seems to be a side issue. The rebellion had a religious dimension and one of the reasons behind it were efforts by the British to rehabilitate Hindus displaced from their lands in Malabar, inviting the wrath of Moppila Muslims. Around this time, a large number of Muslims in Kerala also supported the Khilafat Movement, points out M.G.S. Narayanan. During the course of the Rebellion, Kunjahammad Haji, a leader of the Moppila Muslims, declared Caliphate and issued passports, says Prasanth MP, a journalist based in Kozhikode, adding that even now he is seen as a hero by Kerala's Muslims, both Sunnis and Salafis.

This indicates that the Islamic globalism, a major source of radicalisation among Muslims in contemporary times, existed in Kerala at that time. However, Prasanth MP adds that Kunjahammad Haji did not have direct links to the Ottoman Caliphate, which was nearing its last days in Turkey. Now that these issues are sensitive, even the RSS is forced to be politically correct. For example, to organise an event to mark the 90th anniversary of the Rebellion, the RSS posters mentioned the words "90 Years of Malabar" in 2011, avoiding any reference to "riots" or "rebellion" by Muslims.

In 1992, the Ayodhya issue played a critical role in further radicalisation of Muslims. The recent issues such as the lynching of Muhammad Akhlaq in Dadri over beef consumption and reports of beef served at the Kerala House in New Delhi were exploited electorally by Kerala's politicians, both the Leftist and Muslim leaders. One interesting conversation one comes across in Kerala is this: nowhere in India you will see a Muslim party in power, except perhaps for Hyderabad. For example, in West Bengal the Muslim population is 25 per cent but there is no Muslim party in power. But in Kerala, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), a Muslim party owing its lineage to M.A. Jinnah whose movement led to the creation of Pakistan, exercises power and often bargains with the Left and the Congress. This adds to the religious factor in the state. In Kerala, houses have names. In 2011, IUML minister Abdul Rabb was given a government bungalow named Ganga. He felt it was a Hindu name and demanded it to be called Grace.

In the battle of ideas, the issue is this: while the IUML may appear to be secular in approach, various Islamic organisations thrive under its influence. For example, in last Ramzan, mid-day meals provided by the government to school children were stopped in schools in Kozhikode and Malappuram after some Islamic clerics issued a fatwa but IUML leaders could not oppose them, says Kochi-based Advocate Jaysankar. In the past, government buses would run in Malappuram on Muslim occasions like Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Azha, as Muslim drivers would swap duties with Hindu drivers. Similarly, on Onam, Muslim drivers would fill in for their Hindu colleagues. "Now this has changed. No public bus will run on Eid and even Hindus will be forced to close restaurants," says A. Vinod, a school teacher based in Malappuram.

Like all monotheistic religions, Islam creates a separate lifestyle for Muslims. But in Kerala, it is also occupying secular spaces like malls. At the Focus shopping mall in Kozhikode, and also at other malls in the state, there are prayer rooms for Muslims, but no prayer rooms for Hindus and Christians. Additionally, for Muslims, there are separate prayer rooms for males and females. This Islamic encroachment into the secular space of Kerala's public life adds to unease among Hindus. Vinod notes that earlier homes had names in Malayalam, but Muslim houses now have their names in Arabic. In government schools and offices, Muslims offer prayers. A question arises: what if Hindus do pujas? "Some places should be secular spaces," he says, adding that if you go to Tiruchur and Kottayam, Christians are influential, but there is no such overt religiosity. In Western countries, airports have multi-faith prayer rooms, but not separately for Muslims.

The Phenomenon of Mujahid Muslims

In Kerala, one comes across two expressions: Sunni Muslims and Mujahid Muslims. Both belong to the Sunni sect of Islam, but the expression "Sunni Muslim" means a moderate Muslim, perhaps a peasant Muslim, with no hostility to non-Muslims and their lifestyles and religious practices. However, the expression "Mujahid Muslim" means an unarmed radicalised Muslim who advocates piety, detests Indian rituals and lifestyles, and when possible actively opposes them. At Narikunni, 20 kilometres from Kozhikode, Naveen PK opened a Patanjali ayurvedic shop, but posters used for advertising Patanjali products were removed by the neo-Mujahid Muslims. Fewer Muslims now come to his shop, says Naveen, adding however that Mujahid Muslims continue to send their servants to pick up these ayurvedic medicines.

The Mujahid Muslims represent what would be known internationally as the Wahhabi-Salafi version of Islam. Advocate Jaysankar says that at the level of ideas, the Wahhabi movement has existed in Kerala since the 1920s. The Mujahid movement – not a formal organisation but an informal movement of ideas that preaches a puritan version of Islam and opposes Sufi practices at shrines – is mainly propagated by the KNM. It is from their corpus of ideas that grew the radical Islamist group National Development Front (NFD), now known as PFI which has roots in the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a banned militant group which seceded from the Jamaat-e-Islami. By 1980, the Kerala branch of SIMI had declared slogans such as "destroy nationalism, reinstate caliphate," says Prasanth MP.

Abdul Nasser Madani is a key leader whose name figures in the radicalisation of Muslims. He spent jail terms in the cases of the Coimbatore blasts in 1998 and the Bangalore blasts of 2008. P. Unnikrishnan, a former Vigilance Department officer, notes that after the demolition of Babri mosque in 1992, Kerala witnessed a spurt in further radicalisation, mainly due to fiery speeches by Abdul Nasser Madani. "In 1999, we arrested some youths for radical activities who confessed that they were attending evening classes led by disciples of Madani," he says, adding that the Tamil Nadu-based group Al-Ummah and the NDF, formerly the People's Democratic Party (PDP) launched by Madani, were connected through Madani.

Unnikrishnan argues that the nearly two dozen youths going to the Islamic State is a continuation of existing radicalisation in Kerala. He notes that he had arrested Ayub Ilyas Sabir for radical activities who was granted bail and escaped to Pakistan. At least four youths from Kerala were killed in Kashmir when they were trying to enter, not coming from, Pakistan. Last year, there were two cases of Kerala youths going to the Islamic State. N.P. Balakrishnan, a former police officer, notes that in the 1990s there were many arson attacks on cinemas in Malappuram, which were not concrete buildings, but more like thatched houses. These were the results of fiery speeches delivered by Madani to counter the RSS. Over the years, the PDP transformed into NDF and assimilated some other outfits later into PFI (the Popular Front of India), currently the lead organisation in radical activities.

The PFI seems to be a major group formally active behind a proselytization movement now known as Love Jihad, which may not be an accurate expression but points out a pattern of conversions to Islam in order to marry both by Hindu and Christian women, though once in a rare while exceptions do occur. Much before the phenomenon of Love Jihad attracted newspaper headlines in northern India, it was in Kerala where Christian groups kicked up a storm over the issue. However, predominantly it is the strong communist movement that has engendered a liberal culture of inter-marriages in Kerala, but this liberalism is yielding space to Islamism, thereby adding to the concerns of Hindus over the one-way conversions to Islam involving wedding to Muslims. So many cases of love jihad have landed in courts that this phenomenon is no longer considered a propaganda of the Hindu groups, says Sayeed Muhammad, a noted liberal writer in Malappuram.

Internal Schisms in Kerala's Islam

There are also internal conflicts within Islam in Kerala which reflect the sectarian schisms found in Islam elsewhere in India and abroad. Sayeed Muhammad, author of many books on Islam, says that both Sunni Muslims and the Mujahid Muslims do not consider Ahmadi Muslims and Shias as Muslims. The population of Shia and Ahmadi Muslims is not significant in Kerala. Muslim children's views about them are influenced by Islamic clerics and religious organisations because, he notes, there is no system of comparative religious education in India. Sayeed Muhammad adds that Mujahid Muslims are not big in numbers, but they represent a movement of ideas with overt religiosity such as beards, caps, purdah, preaching and so on.

In Kerala society, while there are tombs of Muslim mystics, there is no Sufi movement to counter the radicalisation of Muslims, but a version of Sufi practices is found among Sunni Muslims. While there might not be formal organisations representing the Barelvis, Wahhabis and Ahle Hadeesis (the more extremist version of Wahhabis) the radicalising ideas filter through the Kerala's Muslim communities. In this context, the murder of Islamic cleric P.K. Muhammad Abdul Hasan Baqavi aka Maulvi Chekannur in 1993 is an important marker on the timeline of radicalisation in Kerala. Maulvi Chekannur had written a book arguing that everyone, including non-Muslims, will go to heaven by the factor of good deeds, not faith per se.

Salim Haji, the uncle of Maulvi Chekannur and president of the Koran Sunnat Society (KSS) which observes his death anniversary as anti-terrorism day on July 29, says that the Maulvi Chekannur's liberal activities provoked orthodox Islamic groups which felt that he was against hadiths, or traditions of Prophet Muhammad. M.S. Rasheed, the vice president of the KSS, adds that Maulvi Chekannur based his writings solely on the basis of the Quran. Salim Haji says that fundamentalist leader Kanchapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliyar was involved in the killing of Maulvi Chekannur but the government does not arrest the real culprits. The KSS propagates the view that prophets will come and go but only the Quran will remain which should be the foundation of Islamic practices. Both Rasheed and Salim say that they face death threats from fundamentalist groups even now.

Dr. Salahuddin is the emir of Ahmadiyya Jamaat based in Kozhikode. If one were to believe his interpretation of current affairs, there is peace everywhere and Kerala is a paradise. When coaxed to explain some conflicts among Muslims, he does open up saying: "Salafism in Kerala is not the same as Salafism in other countries. They do not support terrorism here, but due to splits in the Salafi movement, some might go the radical way." Asked about the response of Muslims towards Ahmadis, he adds: "There is no problem faced by the community as in Pakistan, but when we go for preaching, there is some opposition based on doctrinal beliefs." There are also occasional reports of Ahmadi Muslims being beaten up in Karnataka and Kerala.

As for Ahmadi Muslims themselves, their beliefs respect spiritual leaders of all communities. "Insofar as Ahmadi Muslim view is concerned, all persons who are held high by a community for centuries they have to be respected by all Muslims. We say Alayhi As-Salaam (peace be upon him) for Buddha, Confucius, Rama and Krishna," Dr. Salahuddin says and stresses that even non-Ahmadi Muslims pray alongside Ahmadis in his mosque. But Ahmadi Muslims are in a minority and persecuted everywhere, and one is left wondering if the current phase in their spiritual life represents the Mecca period of early Islam, purely non-violent.

Apprehension among Hindus of Kerala

An RSS worker based in Thiruvananthapuram, who asked not to be named, rejects the idea that the Hindus should worry. However, he says, "Although there are no cases of open violence, there is apprehension among Hindus." He adds that magazines and newspapers like Madhyamam, which is published by the Jamaat-e-Islami, are radicalising Muslim youngsters. Asked what does radicalisation mean, he says: "Radicalisation means that the Muslims become followers of Political Islam, viewing the necessity of establishing an Islamic state. They are no longer nationalistic. They create hate against the pagan culture of Hindus." He adds: "Radicalisation weans away Muslim youngsters from local society. They are taught to be part of only the Muslim society. It introduces puritan elements. They declare local festivals as un-Islamic."

A move to have a sculpture of Tunjethu Ezhuthachan, the father of Malayalam literature, installed at Tirur, his birthplace, had to be abandoned because the local municipality opposed it under the influence of Muslims. This opposition reveals the same thought process that was behind the demolition of the Buddhas of Bamiyan by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A plan by the Kerala government in 2012 to install a statue of the legendary Muslim actor Prem Nazir, who commands a Guinness Book of record for acting in over 700 movies, was opposed by the Kerala Muslim Jamaah Council on religious grounds. On the Cochin University of Science and Technology (Cusat) campus, breasts of a plant figurine had to be pruned after Jamaat-e-Islami became influential in the teachers' organisation. A Thiruvananthapuram-based correspondent of a major daily, who asked not to be named, reminds that a bust of Mahatma Gandhi could not be installed in the nearby union territory of Lakshadweep, which is some three hours from Kochi, due to opposition from Muslims who are in a majority there.

Similar assertions of religious identity by Muslims – which essentially comes at the cost of the syncretic and pagan cultures and practices in Kerala – are behind the Hindu-Muslim unease, if not tensions, in the state. Muslims, who are supported by the communists in the state's politics, are bold and assertive religiously, while a section of Hindus, who are not communists, feel that their lifestyles and traditions are under attack. This boldness even frightens Christians. In 2010 when Prof. T.J. Joseph's hand was chopped off for committing blasphemy of Prophet Muhammad by setting a question paper by the Islamists of the PFI, Christian groups and the Left did not stand by him. M. G. Radhakrishnan, senior editor with Asianet News TV, says the Church was afraid and the Left also feared that by supporting T.J. Joseph it could antagonise Muslims and the Christian-Muslim tensions could grow.

"Marxists are also rationalising Islamic extremism. Marxism suited the poor Kerala but Kerala is no longer poor," notes M.G.S. Narayanan. Once Kerala was poor and ripe for Marxist politics but now Kerala is rich and ripe for green/Islamist politics, adds N.R. Madhu, editor of Kesari, a weekly associated with the RSS. Speaking about Kerala's changing identity, Madhu points out that traditionally Muslims wore Lungis (loose long skirts) and shirts, but now choose Arabian dresses and keep camels. In Muslim-dominated regions like Kozhikode, Malappuram and Kasargod, restaurants advertise Arabic foods. Black Burqa, especially the Saudi version of it, is also a major concern that is reshaping Kerala's identity. Like in other parts of India, more Muslim women are wearing Burqa in the Muslim-dominated northern Kerala. In Malappuram, one comes across a woman wearing a Saree – but with a detachable scarf denoting that she is a Muslim.

Asked if northern Kerala looks like a mini-Pakistan, a major concern raised by Hindu groups, Radhakrishnan responds: "Absolutely not. This is an image of Kerala in northern India." Although he thinks that it is a northern Indian view, yet this view very much prevails right here in Kerala. Hindu-Muslim conflicts are unlikely because Muslims have a lots to lose in the state. There is a concern among non-communist Hindu groups that Islamists dream of Malappuram as another Pakistan. "But it's a dream and it takes a lot of guts," says a policeman, "to dream like that." T.G. Mohandas, a former engineer, points out that Malappuram has a seashore and looks intellectually more to the Arab world than to New Delhi. While versions of history and current events will differ as per narrators, such conversations, including rumours and concerns, the religious communities of Kerala have about each other will be consequential in coming years.


Former BBC journalist Tufail Ahmad is executive director of the Open Source Institute, New Delhi. He tweets @tufailelif


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Nov 12, 2016

Kashmir 1947, Rival Versions of History

'Jawaharlal, do you want Kashmir, or do you want to give it away?'
Sam Manekshaw Field Marshall S H F J 'Sam' Manekshaw, India's greatest military commander, would have turned 100 on April 3, 2014. To mark the occasion and to celebrate a brilliant mind, we reproduce some of the articles had published over a period of time on one of India's most-loved soldiers.

Sam Manekshaw, the first field marshal in the Indian army, was at the ringside of events when Independent India was being formed. Then a colonel, he was chosen to accompany V P Menon on his historic mission to Kashmir. This is his version of that journey and its aftermath, as recorded in an interview with Prem Shankar Jha.
At about 2.30 in the afternoon, General Sir Roy Bucher walked into my room and said, 'Eh, you, go and pick up your toothbrush. You are going to Srinagar with V P Menon. The flight will take off at about 4 o'clock'. I said, 'why me, sir?'
'Because we are worried about the military situation. V P Menon is going there to get the accession from the Maharaja and Mahajan.' I flew in with V P Menon in a Dakota. Wing Commander Dewan, who was then squadron leader Dewan, was also there. But his job did not have anything to with assessing the military situation. He was sent by the Air Force because it was the Air Force which was flying us in.'

Since I was in the Directorate of Military Operations, and was responsible for current operations all over India, West Frontier, the Punjab, and elsewhere, I knew what the situation in Kashmir was. I knew that the tribesmen had come in - initially only the tribesmen - supported by the Pakistanis.
Fortunately for us, and for Kashmir, they were busy raiding, raping all along. In Baramulla they killed Colonel D O T Dykes. Dykes and I were of the same seniority. We did our first year's attachment with the Royal Scots in Lahore, way back in 1934-5. Tom went to the Sikh regiment. I went to the Frontier Force regiment. We'd lost contact with each other. He'd become a lieutenant colonel. I'd become a full colonel.
Tom and his wife were holidaying in Baramulla when the tribesmen killed them.
The Maharaja's forces were 50 per cent Muslim and 50 per cent Dogra.
The Muslim elements had revolted and joined the Pakistani forces. This was the broad military situation. The tribesmen were believed to be about 7 to 9 kilometers from Srinagar. I was sent into get the precise military situation. The army knew that if we had to send soldiers, we would have to fly them in. Therefore, a few days before, we had made arrangements for aircraft and for soldiers to be ready.
But we couldn't fly them in until the state of Kashmir had acceded to India. From the political side, Sardar Patel and V P Menon had been dealing with Mahajan and the Maharaja, and the idea was that V.P Menon would get the Accession, I would bring back the military appreciation and report to the government. The troops were already at the airport, ready to be flown in. Air Chief Marshall Elmhurst was the air chief and he had made arrangements for the aircraft from civil and military sources.
Anyway, we were flown in. We went to Srinagar. We went to the palace. I have never seen such disorganisation in my life. The Maharaja was running about from one room to the other. I have never seen so much jewellery in my life --- pearl necklaces, ruby things, lying in one room; packing here, there, everywhere. There was a convoy of vehicles.
Jawaharlal Nehru The Maharaja was coming out of one room, and going into another saying, 'Alright, if India doesn't help, I will go and join my troops and fight (it) out'.
I couldn't restrain myself, and said, 'That will raise their morale sir'. Eventually, I also got the military situation from everybody around us, asking what the hell was happening, and discovered that the tribesmen were about seven or nine kilometres from what was then that horrible little airfield.
V P Menon was in the meantime discussing with Mahajan and the Maharaja. Eventually the Maharaja signed the accession papers and we flew back in the Dakota late at night. There were no night facilities, and the people who were helping us to fly back, to light the airfield, were Sheikh Abdullah, Kasimsahib, Sadiqsahib, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, D P Dhar with pine torches, and we flew back to Delhi. I can't remember the exact time. It must have been 3 o'clock or 4 o'clock in the morning.
(On arriving at Delhi) the first thing I did was to go and report to Sir Roy Bucher. He said, 'Eh, you, go and shave and clean up. There is a cabinet meeting at 9 o'clock. I will pick you up and take you there.' So I went home, shaved, dressed, etc. and Roy Bucher picked me up, and we went to the cabinet meeting.
The cabinet meeting was presided by Mountbatten. There was Jawaharlal Nehru, there was Sardar Patel, there was Sardar Baldev Singh. There were other ministers whom I did not know and did not want to know, because I had nothing to do with them. Sardar Baldev Singh I knew because he was the minister for defence, and I knew Sardar Patel, because Patel would insist that V P Menon take me with him to the various states.
Sardar Patel Almost every morning the Sardar would sent for V P, H M Patel and myself. While Maniben (Patel's daughter and de facto secretary) would sit cross-legged with a Parker fountain pen taking notes, Patel would say, 'V P, I want Baroda. Take him with you.' I was the bogeyman. So I got to know the Sardar very well.
At the morning meeting he handed over the (Accession) thing. Mountbatten turned around and said, ' come on Manekji (He called me Manekji instead of Manekshaw), what is the military situation?' I gave him the military situation, and told him that unless we flew in troops immediately, we would have lost Srinagar, because going by road would take days, and once the tribesmen got to the airport and Srinagar, we couldn't fly troops in. Everything was ready at the airport.
As usual Nehru talked about the United Nations, Russia, Africa, God almighty, everybody, until Sardar Patel lost his temper. He said, 'Jawaharlal, do you want Kashmir, or do you want to give it away'. He (Nehru) said,' Of course, I want Kashmir (emphasis in original). Then he (Patel) said 'Please give your orders'. And before he could say anything Sardar Patel turned to me and said, 'You have got your orders'.
I walked out, and we started flying in troops at about 11 o'clock or 12 o'clock. I think it was the Sikh regiment under Ranjit Rai that was the first lot to be flown in. And then we continued flying troops in. That is all I know about what happened. Then all the fighting took place. I became a brigadier, and became director of military operations and also if you will see the first signal to be signed ordering the cease-fire on 1 January (1949) had been signed by Colonel Manekshaw on behalf of C-in-C India, General Sir Roy Bucher. That must be lying in the Military Operations Directorate.

Excerpted from Kashmir 1947, Rival Versions of History, by Prem Shankar Jha, Oxford University Press, 1996, Rs 275,

Oct 24, 2016

Uniform Civil Code - Guidance for filling up the Questionnaire

How to Fill up the Questionnaire on Uniform Civil Code (UCC)
This is how I completed the online form. This is only to provide some guidance and you may choose a different answer if you feel so.


Law Commission of India - Questionnaire on Uniform Civil Code (UCC)
All these questions are typed as shown @ Law Commission of India website
All your answers will go to
Email address *
(Enter your email address here)

Q.1. Are you aware that ARTICLE 44 of the Constitution of India provides that "The State shall endeavour to secure for the Citizens a Uniform Civil Code throughout the territory of India" ? *
(Click only here) √ Yes

In your view, does this matter require any further initiatives ?

(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
Uniform civil code should be made applicable to all citizens of Bharat irrespective of their religion, caste, creed or ethnicity. Any other existing acts or rules in contravention with UCC should be nullified.

Q.2. The various religious denominations are governed by personals laws and customary practices in India on matters of family law, should the UCC include all or some of these subjects ? *
(Tick all)
√ Marriage
√ Divorce
√ Adoption
√ Guardianship and Child custody
√ Maintenance
√ Succession and
√ Inheritance
It should Further Include
It should Exclude

Q.3. Do you agree that existing personal laws and customary practices need codification and would benefit the people *
(Click only here) √ Personal Laws and customary practices should be replaced by uniform code
    Personal Laws and customary practices should be codified to bring them in line with fundamental rights

Q.4. Will uniform civil code or codification of personal law and customary practices ensure gender equality *
(Click only here) √Yes

Q.5. Should the uniform civil code be optional *
(Click only here) √ No

Q.6. Should the following practices be banned and regulated? *
(Click all)
√ Polygamy (Banned/Regulated)
√ Polyandry (Banned/Regulated)
√ Similar customary practices such as Maitri-karaar (friendship deed) et al. (Banned/Regulated)

Q.7. Should the practice of triple talaaq be *
(Click only here) √ Abolished in toto
         Retained the custom
         Retained with suitable amendments

Q.8. Do you think that steps should be taken to ensure that Hindu women are better able to exercise their right to property, which is often bequeathed to sons under customary practices? *
(Click only here) √ Yes, Hindu women must be made aware of this right and measures should be taken to ensure that women, under pressure from family do not forego their property.
No there are adequate protection in the existing law
Legal provisions will not help in what is primarily a cultural practice, steps have to be taken so sensitise the society instead

Q.9. Do you agree that the two-year period of wait for finalising divorce violates Christian women's right to equality ? *
(Click only here) √ Yes, it should be made uniform across all marriages
No. This period is sufficient and in-keeping with religious sentiments.

Q.10. Do you agree that there should be a uniform age of consent for marriage across all personal laws and customary practices ? *
(Click only here) √ Yes
     No, customary laws locate this age at the attainment of puberty
      The prevailing system of recognising "voidable' marriage is sufficient

Q.11. Do you agree that all the religious denominations should have the common grounds for divorce ? *
(Click here only) √ Yes
      No, cultural differences must be preserved
      No, but there should be the same grounds for divorce available for men and women within personal law

Q.12. Would uniform civil code aid in addressing the problem of denial of maintenance or insufficient maintenance to women upon divorce? *
(Click only here) √ Yes

Give Reasons for your answer to this question
(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
Current personal laws do not address this issue

Q.13. How can compulsory registration of marriages be implemented better *

(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
Everything else should be made illegal and provision should be made to punish defaulters.

Q.14. What measures should we take to protect couples who enter into inter-religion and inter-caste marriages? *

(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
Uniform Civil Code should address all issues relating to these type of marriages

Q.15. Would uniform civil code infringe an individual's right to freedom of religion ? *
(Click only here) √ No

Give Reasons for your answer to this question *

(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
All citizens of our Nation should be treated equally under law. Everything else is discriminatory even if it is in the name of religion.

Q.16. What measures should be taken to sensitise the society towards a common code or codification of personal law? *

(See answer below. You may copy from here and paste it into the form)
Elaborate awareness campaign by the Government and other agencies working in the field of social reformation.

The last part is your personal information like your name address etc.
After filling up everything SUBMIT the form by clicking the button.
Then will get an acknowledgement slip.
You can choose to edit the already provided information if you feel to do so.

Now that you learned how to Fill up the form, please click the link below to go to the online site to Fill up and submit the form. A separate window will be opened so that this page will remain open and you can come back and refer to this when ever you have any doubt.

After successful filling up and submission of the form you will get a message as shown below.

Best Regards
S J R Kumar
State President
Vishva Hindu Parishad

Oct 22, 2016

Happy Birthday Amitshah ji

A special video dedicated to BJP National President Shri AmitShah on his birthday.


Jul 4, 2016

വി.എച്ച്.പി. നെയ്യാറ്റിൻകര ജില്ലാ സമ്മേളനം

ആർ.എസ്.എസ്. കേരളത്തിൽ

സംസ്ഥാനത്ത് 1000 ഗ്രാമങ്ങളില്‍ കൂടി സംഘ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം വ്യാപിപ്പിക്കും : പി. ഗോപാലന്‍കുട്ടി മാസ്റ്റര്‍

കേരളത്തിലെ ആയിരം ഗ്രാമങ്ങളില്‍ കൂടി അടുത്ത വര്‍ഷത്തോടെ സംഘപ്രവര്‍ത്തനം എത്തിക്കാന്‍ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങള്‍ ആസൂത്രണം ചെയ്തതായി ആര്‍എസ്എസ് പ്രാന്ത കാര്യവാഹ് പി. ഗോപാലന്‍കുട്ടി മാസ്റ്റര്‍ പറഞ്ഞു. കോഴിക്കോട് ചിന്മയാഞ്ജലി ഓഡിറ്റോറിയത്തില്‍ കഴിഞ്ഞ രണ്ടു ദിവസങ്ങളിലായി നടന്ന ആര്‍എസ്എസ് പ്രാന്തീയ വാര്‍ഷിക ബൈഠക്കിന് ശേഷം നടത്തിയ വാര്‍ത്താ സമ്മേളനത്തില്‍ സംസാരിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു അദ്ദേഹം. നിലവില്‍ സംഘത്തിന്റെ നിത്യ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം 4600 പ്രദേശങ്ങളില്‍ നടക്കുന്നുണ്ട്. പ്രതിവാര പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളടക്കം 5063 സ്ഥലങ്ങളിലാണ് നിലവില്‍ സംഘപ്രവര്‍ത്തനം നടക്കുന്നത്.

ആയിരം ഗ്രാമങ്ങളില്‍ കൂടി അടുത്ത വര്‍ഷം സംഘ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം എത്തിക്കും. സംഘ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം കടന്നുചെല്ലാത്ത പ്രദേശങ്ങളില്‍ സംഘാനുകൂല സാഹചര്യമാണ് ഇന്നുള്ളത്. പ്രവര്‍ത്തനം കൂടുതല്‍ വ്യാപിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായാണ് കേരളത്തിലെ 14 റവന്യൂ ജില്ലകളെ 37 സംഘജില്ലകളായും 11 വിഭാഗുകളായും പുനര്‍ ക്രമീകരിച്ചത് അദ്ദേഹം പറഞ്ഞു.

ഏകീകൃത സിവില്‍ കോഡ് ഭാരതത്തിന്റെ ഭരണഘടനയില്‍ ഉള്‍പ്പെട്ടതാണെന്ന് അദ്ദേഹം മാധ്യമപ്രവര്‍ത്തകരുടെ ചോദ്യത്തിനുത്തരമായി പറഞ്ഞു. ഏകീകൃത സിവില്‍ നിയമം നടപ്പാക്കേണ്ടതാണ്. അതില്‍ ആശങ്കപ്പെടുന്ന സമൂഹത്തില്‍ ബോധവല്‍ക്കരണം നടത്തേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. ഇതിനെക്കുറിച്ച് അഭിപ്രായ സമന്വയം രൂപപ്പെടണം. അദ്ദേഹം പറഞ്ഞു. സംഘ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനത്തിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി മുഴുവന്‍ സമയ പ്രവര്‍ത്തകരായ പ്രചാരകന്മാര്‍ സംഘ ആശയമുള്ള വിവിധ സംഘടനകളില്‍ പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കുന്നുണ്ട്. ഭാരതീയ മസ്ദൂര്‍സംഘത്തില്‍ പ്രവര്‍ത്തിച്ചിരുന്ന പ്രചാരകനാണ് ഇന്ന് സംഘത്തിന്റെ പ്രാന്ത പ്രചാരകായി പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കുന്നത്. ഇത്തരം നിയോഗങ്ങള്‍ സംഘ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനത്തില്‍ സാധാരണമാണ്.

ബിജെപിയിലേക്ക് പുതുതായി പ്രചാരകനെ നിയോഗിച്ചത് ഇതേ കീഴ് വഴക്കത്തിന്റെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിലാണെന്നും മറ്റുള്ള പ്രചാരണങ്ങള്‍ ശരിയല്ലെന്നും അദ്ദേഹം ചോദ്യത്തിനുത്തരമായി പറഞ്ഞു. സംഘ സ്വയം സേവകര്‍ രാഷ്ട്രത്തിലെ പൗരന്മാരെന്ന നിലക്ക് ജനാധിപത്യ പ്രക്രിയയില്‍ പങ്കു ചേരുന്നു. തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്, രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്‍ട്ടികള്‍ തമ്മിലുള്ള മത്സരം മാത്രമല്ല പൗരസമൂഹത്തിനും അതില്‍ ഉത്തരവാദിത്തമുണ്ട്. സംഘം തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളെ സമീപിക്കുന്നത് ഈ കാഴ്ചപ്പാടോടെയാണ്. അദ്ദേഹം കൂട്ടിച്ചേര്‍ത്തു. സംഘത്തിന്റെ ജില്ലാഉപരി കാര്യകര്‍ത്താക്കളും വിവിധക്ഷേത്രങ്ങളുടെ പ്രാന്തീയ തല സംഘടനാ കാര്യദര്‍ശിമാരും അടക്കം 585 പേര്‍ ദ്വിദിന വാര്‍ഷിക ബൈഠക്കില്‍ പങ്കെടുത്തു.

ഹരിതകേരളം സുന്ദരകേരളം എന്ന ലക്ഷ്യപൂര്‍ത്തിക്കായി പരിസ്ഥിതി-കാര്‍ഷിക-ജലസംഭരണ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളില്‍ പങ്കാളികളാകണമെന്നും, പൗരാവകാശവും ജനാധിപത്യവും നിഷേധിക്കുന്ന സിപിഎം സെല്‍ ഭരണത്തിനെതിരെ സമൂഹ മനഃസാക്ഷി ഉണരണമെന്നുമുള്ള രണ്ടു പ്രമേയങ്ങള്‍ വാര്‍ഷിക ബൈഠക്കില്‍ അംഗീകരിച്ചു. പ്രാന്തസംഘചാലക് പി.ഇ.ബി മേനോന്‍, ക്ഷേത്രീയ കാര്യവാഹ് എസ്. രാജേന്ദ്രന്‍, പ്രാന്തകാര്യവാഹ് പി. ഗോപാലന്‍ കുട്ടി മാസ്റ്റര്‍, അഖില ഭാരതീയ ധര്‍മജാഗരണ്‍ പ്രമുഖ് എസ്. സേതുമാധവന്‍, സീമാജാഗരണ്‍ മഞ്ച് ദേശീയ സംയോജകന്‍ എ. ഗോപാലകൃഷ്ണന്‍, ക്ഷേത്രീയ പ്രചാരക് ജി. സ്ഥാണുമാലയന്‍, പ്രാന്തപ്രചാരക് പി.എന്‍. ഹരികൃഷ്ണകുമാര്‍, ബിജെപി സംസ്ഥാന പ്രസിഡന്റ് കുമ്മനം രാജശേഖരന്‍ എന്നിവര്‍ പങ്കെടുത്തു.
കടപ്പാട് : വിശ്വാസംവാദകേന്ദ്രം, കേരളം

Jan 6, 2016

സംഘം ഒരു ലഘു പരിചയം

സംഘം ഒരു ലഘു പരിചയം

1925 ഒക്ടോബർ 25ന് നാഗ്പൂരിലെ മോഹിതേവാഡേ എന്ന മൊഹല്ലയിൽ ഡോക്ടർ കേശവ് ബലിറാം ഹെഡ്ഗേവാറാണ്‌ ആർ.എസ്സ്‌.എസ്സിന്റെ സ്ഥാപകൻ. മെഡിക്കൽ വിദ്യാർത്ഥിയായിരിക്കുമ്പോൾ അദ്ദേഹം ഇന്ത്യൻ നാഷണൽ കോൺഗ്രസ്സിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യസമരത്തിൽ പങ്കെടുത്തിരുന്നു. 1921 ൽ ഒരു വർഷക്കാലം ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് ഗവണ്മെന്റ് അദ്ദേഹത്തെ ജയിലിൽ അടച്ചു. നാഗ്പൂരിൽ തിരിച്ചെത്തിയതിനു ശേഷം 1925 ൽ ആർ.എസ്.എസ്സിന്റെ രൂപവത്കരണം വരെ ഇൻഡ്യൻ നാഷണൽ കോൺഗ്രസ്സിന്റെ സജീവ പ്രവർത്തകനായിരുന്നു. എന്നാൽ സംഘടനാരൂപവത്കരണത്തിനു ശേഷം ഹെഡ്ഗേവാറും കൂട്ടരും സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യസമരത്തിൽ പങ്കെടുത്തു പോന്നെങ്കിലും ആർ.എസ്സ്‌.എസ്സിനെ അതിൽ നിന്നും അകറ്റി നിർത്തി. 1931 ൽ ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് ഭരണത്തിനെതിരായുള്ള വന സത്യാഗ്രഹത്തിൽ ഉൾപ്പെട്ടതിനു രണ്ടാം തവണയും ജയിലിൽ ആയി.

ഭാരതത്തെയും അതിലെ ജനങ്ങളേയും ദേവീ രൂപത്തിൽ(ഭാരതാംബ) കണ്ട്‌ സേവനം ചെയ്യുകയും ഭാരതത്തിന്റെ ആത്മീയ, ധാർമ്മിക മൂല്യങ്ങളെ സംരക്ഷിക്കുകയും ഭാരതത്തിലെ ഹിന്ദുക്കളുടെ താൽപര്യങ്ങൾ സംരക്ഷിക്കുകയും ആണ് ഈ സംഘടനയുടെ പ്രഖ്യാപിത ലക്ഷ്യം. 'വസുധൈവ കുടുംബകം' എന്ന ഹൈന്ദവ സംസ്കാര മൂല്യം വഴി ഭാരതത്തെ മറ്റു രാജ്യങ്ങൾ മാതൃകയാക്കുന്ന രീതിയിൽ ശക്തമായ രാജ്യമാക്കി പുന:പ്രതിഷ്ഠിക്കുക എന്നതാണ് മുഖ്യ ലക്‌ഷ്യം. സാമൂഹിക പരിവർത്തനം, ഹിന്ദുക്കളിലുള്ള ഉച്ചനീചത്വങ്ങൾ ഇല്ലായ്മ ചെയ്തു താഴെക്കിടയിലുള്ള ജനങ്ങളെ മുഖ്യധാരയിലേക്ക് ഉയർത്തിക്കൊണ്ടുവരുക എന്നിവയാണ് മറ്റു ലക്ഷ്യങ്ങൾ. ആർ.എസ്സ്.എസ്സിന്റെ തത്വശാസ്ത്രപരമായ വീക്ഷണഗതികൾ, സാംസ്കാരിക ദേശീയതയും(Cultural nationalism), എകാത്മതാ മാനവ ദർശനവുമാണ്(Integral Humanism). ആർ.എസ്സ്‌.എസ്സിന്റെ അഭിപ്രായമനുസരിച്ച്‌ ഒരു ഹിന്ദു എന്നത്‌ ഇന്ത്യൻ ഉപഭൂഖണ്ഡത്തിൽ താമസിക്കുന്ന ഏതൊരു വ്യക്തിയുമാവാം. ക്രിസ്ത്യാനികളേയും മുസ്ലീമുകളേയുംഉൾപ്പെടുത്തിയാണ്‌ ഹിന്ദു എന്ന ആർ.എസ്സ്‌.എസ്സിന്റെ നിർവ്വചനം നിലകൊള്ളുന്നത്‌. ഹൈന്ദവം എന്നത്‌ ഒരു മതമല്ല മറിച്ച്‌ ഒരു ജീവിതരീതിയാണ്‌ എന്ന് ആർ.എസ്സ്‌.എസ്സ്‌ വിശ്വസിക്കുന്നു.

ശാഖ എന്നത് ശിഖരം(branch) എന്ന അർഥം വരുന്ന ഹിന്ദി പദമാണ്. ആർ.എസ്.എസിന്റെ സംഘടനാപരമായ പ്രവൃത്തികൾ നടത്തുന്നത് സംഘശാഖകൾ മുഖേനയാണ്. പൊതു സ്ഥലത്ത് ഒരു മണിക്കൂർ നിത്യേന നിയമേന നടത്തപ്പെടുന്ന കൂടിച്ചേരലാണ് സംഘശാഖ. സംഘശാഖയിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കുന്ന വ്യക്തികളെ സ്വയംസേവകർ എന്ന് വിളിക്കുന്നു. “വ്യക്തി നിർമ്മാണത്തിലൂടെ രാഷ്ട്രനിർമ്മാണം” എന്ന ആശയമാണ് സംഘശാഖകൾ പ്രതിനിധാനം ചെയ്യുന്നത്. “ഒരു ദിവസത്തിൽ 23 മണിക്കൂർ സ്വന്തം കാര്യങ്ങൾക്കായി ചിലവഴിക്കുമ്പോൾ, ഒരു മണിക്കൂർ രാഷ്ട്രത്തിനായി മാറ്റി വെയ്ക്കുക” എന്നതാണ് ദിനേന ഒരു മണിക്കൂർ വീതം നടക്കുന്ന ശാഖകളുടെ ഉദ്ദേശം. ലോകത്ത് 33 രാജ്യങ്ങളിലായി ശാഖകൾ നടക്കുന്നുണ്ട് .

യോഗ, വ്യായാമങ്ങൾ, കളികൾ തുടങ്ങിയ കായികപരമായ പരിപാടികളും, സുഭാഷിതം, ദേശഭക്തിഗാനങ്ങൾ, അമൃതവചനം, കഥകൾ, പ്രാർത്ഥന തുടങ്ങിയവ കൂടിച്ചേർന്നതാണ് ശാഖ. സാമൂഹികസേവനം, സാമൂഹികാവബോധം വളർത്തൽ, ദേശസ്നേഹം വളർത്തൽ തുടങ്ങിയവും മറ്റു പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളാണ്. പ്രവർത്തകർ പ്രാഥമിക ശുശ്രൂഷ, ദുരിതാശ്വസ പ്രവർത്തനം പുനരധിവാസ പ്രവർത്തനം തുടങ്ങിയവയിൽ പരിചയം നേടുകയും ഗ്രാമങ്ങളിലെ അടിസ്ഥാനാവശ്യ പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങളിൽ പങ്കാളികൾ ആകുകയും ചെയ്യുന്നു. ആർ.എസ്.എസിന് പ്രവർത്തകരുടെ റിക്കോർഡ് സൂക്ഷിക്കുന്ന പതിവില്ലെങ്കിലും ഏകദേശം 2.5 മുതൽ 6 ദശലക്ഷം പ്രവർത്തകർ ഉള്ളതായി കണക്കാക്കപ്പെടുന്നു.

🚩സംഘടനാ തലം
മറ്റു രാഷ്ടീയ സംഘനകൾ പോലെ 'പദവി' എന്ന വാക്കല്ല, മറിച്ച് ചുമതല, ഉത്തരവാദിത്വം എന്നീ വാക്കുകളാണ് ആർ.എസ്.എസ് സംഘടനാ തലത്തിൽ ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്നത്. ഓരോ വ്യക്തിയും വഹിക്കുന്ന പദവി സംഘടന വളർത്താനുള്ള അയാളുടെ ചുമതലയോ, ഉത്തരവാദിത്വമോ ആണ്, അധികാരം വിനിയോഗം ചെയ്യാനുളള പദവിയല്ല എന്ന സങ്കൽപമാണ് ഇതിനു പിന്നിൽ.

സർസംഘചാലക് പദവി ആണ് ആർ.എസ്.എസിലെ ഏറ്റവും ഉയർന്ന പദവി. ഈ സ്ഥാനം നിശ്ചയിക്കുന്നത് മുൻഗാമി ആയിരിക്കും. സർസംഘചാലക് പദവിയിൽ വന്നിട്ടുള്ളവർ:

ഡോ. കേശവ് ബലിറാം ഹെഡ്ഗേവാർ(സ്ഥാപകൻ), ഡോക്ടർജി എന്നറിയപ്പെടുന്നു (1925-1930 & 1931-1940).

ഡോ. ലക്ഷ്മൺ വാമൻ പരാജ്‌പേ (1930-1931) (ഡോ. ഹെഡ്ഗേവാർ സത്യാഗ്രഹം നടത്തി ജയിലിൽ കഴിഞ്ഞിരുന്ന കാലത്ത്)

ശ്രീ. മാധവ് സദാശിവ് ഗോൾവർക്കർ, ഗുരുജി എന്നറിയപ്പെടുന്നു (1940-1973)

ശ്രീ. മധുകർ ദത്താത്രേയ ദേവറസ്, ബാലാസാഹെബ് എന്നറിയപ്പെടുന്നു (1973-1993)

പ്രൊഫ. രാജേന്ദ്ര സിംഗ്, രാജുഭയ്യ എന്നറിയപ്പെടുന്നു (1993-2000)

കുപ്പഹള്ളി സിതാരാമയ്യ സുദർശൻ (2000-2009)

ഡോ. മോഹൻ മധുകർ ഭാഗവത് (21 മാർച്ച്‌ 2009 മുതൽ ഇന്നുവരെ).

സംഘടനാ തലത്തെ; ക്ഷേത്രം (Zone), പ്രാന്തം (State), വിഭാഗ്(ഒന്നോ, അതിൽ കൂടുതലോ സംഘജില്ലകൾ), സംഘജില്ല, താലൂക്ക്, മഹാനഗർ (Corporation), നഗർ (Municipality), ഉപനഗർ, മണ്ഡൽ, ശാഖകൾ എന്നിങ്ങനെ വിഭജിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നു.

പ്രതിഫലം കൂടാതെ മുഴുവൻ സമയം പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്ന പ്രവർത്തകന്മാരാണ് പ്രചാരകർ. ഒരു വർഷത്തിൽ കുറഞ്ഞ കാലയളവിൽ ഉള്ളവരെ വിസ്താരകർ എന്നും പറയുന്നു. മറ്റു സംഘപരിവാർ പ്രസ്ഥാനങ്ങളിലേക്ക് പ്രചാരകന്മാരെ അയക്കുന്ന പതിവുണ്ട് ഉദാ :- ബി.എം.എസ്, ബി.ജെ.പി, സേവാ ഭാരതി, മുതലായവ.

മറ്റു ജോലികളും, കുടുംബവും സംഘപ്രവർത്തനത്തോടൊപ്പം കൊണ്ടു പോകുന്നവരാണ് കാര്യവാഹകുമാർ.

ശാഖ നടത്തുന്നയാൾ. ശാഖയുടെ അധികാരി മുഖ്യശിക്ഷക് ആയിരിക്കും. സർ സംഘചാലക് ഒരു ശാഖയിൽ പ്രവേശിച്ചാലും, ധ്വജത്തെയും, മുഖ്യശിക്ഷകിനെയും പ്രണമിച്ച ശേഷമേ കാര്യപരിപാടികളിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കുകയുള്ളൂ.

ധ്വജമുയർത്തുകയും, പ്രാർത്ഥന ചൊല്ലിക്കൊടുക്കുകയും, അതാതു ദിവസത്തെ അംഗസംഖ്യ എടുക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുക എന്നതാണ് ശിക്ഷകിൻ്റെ പ്രാഥമിക ചുമതല.

കറുത്ത പദവേഷം (ഷൂസ്), സോക്സ്‌ (കാക്കി), ട്രൗസർ (കാക്കി), ബെൽറ്റ്‌ (തവിട്ടുനിറം), ഷർട്ട്‌ (വെള്ള), തൊപ്പി (കറുപ്പ്) ഇവയാണ് സംഘത്തിന്റെ ഔദ്യോഗിക വേഷം.

🚩ഐ.റ്റി മിലൻ
വിവരസാങ്കേതിക മേഖലയിൽ പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്ന ശാഖയെ ആണ് ഐ.റ്റി(Information Technology) മിലൻ എന്ന് വിളിക്കുന്നത്‌. ശാഖയിൽ നിന്നും വത്യസ്തമായി ആഴ്ച തോറുമാണ് ഐ.റ്റി മിലൻ കൂടിച്ചേരൽ നടത്തുന്നത്. മുംബൈ, പൂനെ, ബെംഗലൂരു, ചെന്നൈ, എറണാകുളം, ഡൽഹി തുടങ്ങിയ പട്ടണങ്ങളിൽ ഐ.റ്റി മിലൻ പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്നുണ്ട്.

60-90 മിനിട്ട് വരെ നീണ്ടുനിൽക്കുന്ന ഇത്തരത്തിലുള്ള കൂടിച്ചേരലിൽ പ്രാർഥന, സൂര്യനമസ്ക്കാരം, യോഗ, കളികൾ മുതലായവ ഉണ്ടായിരിക്കും. പൊതുവേ ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ കൈകാര്യം ചെയ്യപ്പെടുന്ന ഐ.റ്റി മിലനിൽ വിവരസാങ്കേതിക മേഖലയിൽ പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്നവർക്കായി തയ്യാറാക്കപ്പെട്ട വ്യായാമങ്ങൾ ചെയ്യുന്നു. അവരുടെ മാനസിക ഉല്ലാസത്തിനായിയുള്ള കളികളിൽ ഏർപ്പെടുന്നു. ദേശീയ സാർവദേശീയ വിഷയങ്ങൾ ചർച്ച ചെയ്യുന്നു.

🚩സംഘ ഉത്സവങ്ങൾ

1) മകരസംക്രാന്തി
രാഷ്ട്രീയ സ്വയംസേവക സംഘം ശാഖകളില്‍കൊണ്ടാടുന്ന ആറ് ഉത്സവങ്ങളില്‍ ഒന്നാണ് "മകരസംക്രമം".
"ഇരുട്ടില്‍ നിന്നും വെളിച്ചത്തിലേക്ക്" എന്ന സന്ദേശവും ഏന്തുന്നതാണ് മകരസംക്രമം.

2) വർഷ പ്രതിപദ
ആർഎസ്എസ് പ്രവർത്തകർ ഉചിതമായ സ്ഥലങ്ങളില് ഒത്തുചേർന്ന് അതാതു ശാഖകളുടെ നേതൃത്വത്തിൽ ആദ്യ സർസംഘചാലകായിരുന്ന പൂജനീയ ഡോക്ടർ കേശവ ബലിറാം ഹെഡ്ഗേവാറിന് പ്രണാമർപ്പിക്കാൻ ഒത്തു ചേരുന്നതാണ് വർഷ പ്രതിപദ ഉത്സവദിനം.

3) ഹിന്ദുസാമ്രാജ്യദിനം
ഛത്രപതി ശിവജിയുടെ സ്ഥാനാരോഹണ ദിനം രാഷ്ടീയ സ്വയംസേവക് സംഘം ഹിന്ദുസാമ്രാജ്യദിനമായി ആഘോഷിക്കുന്നു

4) ഗുരുപൂജ - ഗുരുദക്ഷിണ ഉത്സവം
വേദവ്യാസന്റെ ജന്മദിനമാണ് സംഘം ഗുരുപൂജ ഗുരുദക്ഷിണ ഉത്സവമായി ആഘോഷിക്കുന്നത്. ഭഗവധ്വജത്തെ ഗുരുവായി കണ്ട്, തൻ്റെ സമ്പാദ്യത്തിൽ നിന്ന് ഒരു ഭാഗം ഓരോ സ്വയംസേവകനും ദക്ഷിണയായി സമർപ്പിക്കുന്നു.

5) രക്ഷാബന്ധൻ ഉത്സവം
സാഹോദര്യം ആണ് സംഘം മുന്നോട്ട് വെക്കുന്ന ആശയം. തൊട്ടടുത്ത ശാഖയിലെ ഒരു സ്വയംസേവകനും, സർസംഘചാലകും ഒരു സ്വയംസേവകന് ജ്യേഷ്ഠസ്ഥാനത്താണ്. അഖിലേന്ത്യാ തലത്തിലുള്ള ഒരു മുതിർന്ന പ്രചാരകനെ പോലും ചേട്ടാ / ഏട്ടാ എന്നേ വിളിക്കൂ. ഞാൻ രാഖി കെട്ടിക്കൊടുക്കുന്നയാൾ എന്നെ സംരക്ഷിക്കും എന്ന വിശ്വാസമാണ് ഓരോ രക്ഷാബന്ധൻ ഉത്സവവും മുന്നോട്ട് വെക്കുന്നത്.

6) വിജയദശമി
രാഷ്ടീയ സ്വയംസേവക് സംഘത്തിൻ്റെ പിറന്നാൾ.

🚩സംഘ് പരിവാർ
രാഷ്ട്രീയ സ്വയം സേവക സംഘത്തിന്റെ പ്രവർത്തകർ രൂപം നൽകിയ സംഘടനകളുടെ കൂട്ടമാണ് സംഘ പരിവാർ എന്നറിയപ്പെടുന്നത്. രാഷ്ട്രീയ സ്വയംസേവക സംഘവും മറ്റു പല ചെറുതും വലുതുമായ ഹൈന്ദവ സംഘടനകളുമാണ് ഇതിലെ അംഗങ്ങൾ. ഇതിലെ അംഗങ്ങൾ സ്വതന്ത്രമായി പ്രവർത്തിക്കുന്നവയും, വ്യത്യസ്തമായ കാഴ്ചപ്പാടുകളും, നയങ്ങളും, കാര്യപരിപാടികളും ഉള്ളവയുമാണ്. വ്യത്യസ്തമായ കാഴ്ചപ്പാടുകൾ ഉണ്ടെങ്കിലും രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ സമൂലമായ വികസനമാണ് ഈ സംഘടനകളുടെ ലക്ഷ്യം.

സംഘപരിവാറിൽ താഴെ പറയുന്ന സംഘടനകളാണ് ഉള്ളത്.

രാഷ്ട്രീയ സ്വയംസേവക സംഘം(RSS)
ഭാരതീയ ജനതാ പാർട്ടി (BJP)
ഭാരതീയ കിസാൻ സംഘം
ഭാരതീയ മസ്ദൂർ സംഘം (BMS)
വിശ്വ ഹിന്ദു പരിഷദ് (VHP)
മുസ്ലീം രാഷ്ട്രീയ മഞ്ച്
ഫിഷർമാൻ കോ-ഓപ്പറേറ്റീവ് സൊസൈറ്റി
വിവേകാനന്ദ മെഡിക്കൽ മിഷൻ
ഭാരതീയ അദ്ധ്യാപക പരിഷദ്
ഭാരതീയ അഭിഭാഷക പരിഷത്ത്
വിവേകാനന്ദ കേന്ദ്രം
ഭാരതീയ വികാസ് പരിഷദ്
ദീൻ ദയാൽ ശോധ് സംസ്ഥാൻ
രാഷ്ട്രീയ സേവികാ സമിതി (ആർ എസ്സ് എസ്സിന്റെ വനിതാ വിഭാഗം)
അഖില ഭാരതീയ വിദ്യാർത്ഥി പരിഷദ് (ABVP)
ഭാരതീയ ജനതാ യുവ മോർച്ച
ശിഖാ ഭാരതി
ഹിന്ദു സ്വയംസേവക സംഘം (ആർ എസ്സ് എസ്സിന്റെ രാജ്യാന്തര വിഭാഗം)
സ്വദേശി ജാഗരൺ മഞ്ച്
സരസ്വതി ശിശു മന്ദിർ
വനവാസി കല്യാൺ ആശ്രം
ബജ്റംഗ് ദൾ
വിജ്ഞാന ഭാരതി
ഭാരതിഅധിവക്ത പരിഷദ്
ഭാരതീയ വിചാര കേന്ദ്രം
ഭാരതീയ ഇതിഹാസ സങ്കലന യോജന
ഹിന്ദു ഐക്യ വേദി
അയ്യപ്പ സേവാ സമാജം

പ്ലീസ് നോട്ട് : ശിവ സേന, ശ്രീരാമ സേന, ഹനുമാൻ സേന, ഹിന്ദു മഹാസഭ എന്നിവയൊന്നും ആർ എസ്സ് എസ്സിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി ഉളളതല്ല.

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